The recognition of Iran as a major regional force is at the foundation of the Biden administration’s Middle East strategy.
The downplaying of the Abraham Accords
The downplaying of the Abraham Accords is consistent with the retreat and appeasement policy being undertaken in an attempt to buy Iranian compliance with the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), the fundamentally flawed 2015 nuclear deal.
The cooling of the US-Saudi defense alliance mirrors the strategic purpose shown in previous actions, such as the vow to leave Iraq by the end of the year.
The idea that Iran can operate as a regional stabilizing force can only be described as a product of mistaken faith. Iran’s objectives are completely contradictory to those of the United States. Iran is a major sponsor of armed interventions in Syria and Yemen and continues to fund its terrorist proxies, Hezbollah and Hamas, through the Revolutionary Guards, a designated terrorist organization.
The dictatorship is ramping up ballistic missile
At home, the dictatorship is ramping up what is already the region’s largest and most sophisticated ballistic missile arsenal in order to threaten US forces and allies. In terms of its nuclear program, Iran is now correctly classified as a latent nuclear power, only months away from developing a nuclear bomb.
Tehran had reached an agreement with the International Atomic Energy Agency to allow inspections of sites suspected of being involved in weapons development. Iran broke the pact within days, bolstering the notion that the regime is on the verge of a nuclear breakout if it decides to sprint to the bomb.
Despite the threat and vitriolic rhetoric from the supreme leader, the Biden administration has remained largely silent, most likely out of concern that speaking publicly would jeopardize the prospects for a diplomatic agreement, initially on the nuclear program but with the hope of expanding to other areas.
The new team, which was installed by the supreme commander after the September elections were rigged, demonstrates that the Biden strategy’s basic assumptions can only lead to more failure and loss of critical US interests.
Perhaps, for this reason, the new Iranian leadership’s rogues’ gallery has received very little official attention, despite the fact that at least 10 of them are currently sanctioned by the United States, the European Union, and the United Nations.
Raisi was a member of the “death committee”
The current president, Ebrahim Raisi, was a member of the “death committee,” or death committee, in the 1988 assassination of thousands of political prisoners. The political executions, which were largely aimed against the People’s Mujahedin of Iran (PMOI / MEK Iran), were heavily denounced. They were called the “biggest crime in the history of the Islamic Republic” by Ayatollah Montazeri, Khomeini’s successor apparent at the time. Human-rights organizations have been calling for a probe into Raisi’s role in the killings for decades.
Interpol has placed Ahmad Vahidi, the interior minister and former head of the Quds Force, and Mohsen Rezaei, the presidential deputy for economic affairs and former commander of the Revolutionary Guards, on its wanted list for terrorist attacks, including the 1994 bombing of the Jewish center in Buenos Aires, which killed 85 civilians and injured hundreds more. The Iranian regime continues to conceal its crimes against humanity to this day.
The vice president, the presidential chief of staff, and the defense minister are all on the list. Iran now sees the US as weak and in decline. It wants to spread its brand of Islamic radicalism further. Rather than fearing the US, it tries to drive us out of the region. Retreat and capitulation would only serve to advance the regime’s anti-American agenda. To bring down the new leaders in Tehran and assist the Iranian people in gaining their independence, a policy of disciplined and persistent containment is essential.